Early Lives of Charlemagne by Eginhard and the Monk of St Gall edited by Prof. A. J. Grant — A Closer Reading

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In Category - Biographies
Einhard, 770?-840, Notker, Balbulus, 840?-912, Grant, A. J. (Arthur James), 1862-1948 [Translator] Project Gutenberg 2015 Not confirmed
Charlemagne, Emperor, 742-814; France -- Kings and rulers -- Biography; Holy Roman Empire -- Kings and rulers -- Biography; France -- History -- To 987 -- Sources; Holy Roman Empire -- History -- To 1517 -- Sources Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 47,773
Reading time 208 min
Text sections 9

For Early Lives of Charlemagne by Eginhard and the Monk of St Gall edited by Prof. A. J. Grant — A Closer Reading, the stored edition analysis reports 47,773 words, 3 hr 28 min estimated reading time, and 9 detected text sections.

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This edition pairs Einhard's restrained, fact-based biography of Charlemagne with the Monk of St Gall's anecdotal, legend-infused account, separated by sixty years but both written within a century of the emperor's death. Grant's introduction highlights their contrasting approaches to truth and narrative.
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uld this assault be punished at once, for when the deed had been done the enemy so completely disappeared that they left behind them not so much as a rumour of their whereabouts.

10. He conquered the Bretons, too, who dwelt in the extreme west of France by the shores of the ocean. They had been disobedient, and he, therefore, sent against them an expedition, by which they were compelled to give hostages and promise that they would henceforth obey his orders.

Then later he himself entered Italy with an army, and, passing through Rome, came to Capua, a city of Campania. There he pitched his camp, and threatened the men of Beneventum²¹ with war unless they surrendered. But Aragis, Duke of that people, prevented this war by sending his sons Rumold and Grimold to meet the King with a large sum of money. He asked the King to receive his children as hostages, and promised that he and his people would obey all the commands of the King, except only that he would not come himself into the King’s presence. Charles, considering rather the advantage of the people than their Duke’s obstinacy, received the hostages who were offered him, and as a great favour consented to forego a personal interview. He kept the younger of the two children as a hostage and sent back the elder one to his father. Then he sent ambassadors to require and receive oaths of fidelity from the Beneventans and from Aragis, and so came back to Rome. There he spent some days in the veneration of the holy places, and then returned to Gaul.

11. Then the Bavarian war broke out suddenly, and was swiftly ended. It was caused by the pride and folly of Tassilo,²² Duke of Bavaria; for upon the instigation of his wife, who thought that she might revenge through her husband the banishment of her father Desiderius, King of the Lombards, he made an alliance with the Huns, the eastern neighbours of the Bavarians, and not only refused obedience to King Charles but even dared to challenge him in war. The high courage of the King could not bear his overweening insolence, and he forthwith called a general levy for an attack on Bavaria, and came in person with a great army to the river Lech, which separates Bavaria from Germany. He pitched his camp upon the banks of the river, and determined to make trial of the mind of the Duke before he entered the province. But Duke Tassilo saw no profit either for himself or his people in stubbornness, and threw himself upon the King’s mercy. He gave the hostages who were demanded, his own son Theodo among the number, and further promised upon oath that no one should ever persuade him again to fall away from his allegiance to the King. And thus a war which seemed likely to grow into a very great one came to a most swift ending. But Tassilo was subsequently summoned into the King’s presence, and was not allowed to return, and the province that he ruled was for the future committed to the administration not of dukes but of counts.²³

12. When these troubles had been settled he waged war against the Slavs, whom we are accustomed to call Wilzi, but who properly—that is, in their own tongue—are called Welatabi. Here the Saxons fought along with the other allied nations who followed the King’s standards, though their loyalty was feigned and far from sincere. The cause of the war was that the Wilzi²⁴ were constantly invading and attacking the Abodriti, the former allies of the Franks, and refused to obey the King’s commands to desist from their attacks. There is a gulf²⁵ stretching from the western sea towards the East, of undiscovered length, but nowhere more than a hundred miles in breadth, and often much narrower. Many nations occupy the shores of this sea. The Danes and the Swedes, whom we call the Northmen, hold its northern shore and all the islands in it. The Slavs and the Aisti and various other nations inhabit the eastern shore, amongst whom the chief are these Welatabi against whom then the King waged war. He so broke and subdued them in a single campaign, conducted by himself, that they thought it no longer wise to refuse to obey his commands.

The two lives in this volume, written within a century of Charlemagne's death, could hardly be more different in voice and method. Einhard's biography is restrained, well-arranged, and positive in its claims, while the Monk of St Gall's narrative is garrulous, credulous, and jumbled. As editor A. J. Grant notes, the contrast is so sharp that the works seem to belong to different ages, yet they are separated by only about sixty years. The Monk's account, written around 883, already shows legend steaming up rapidly from the emperor's grave, with few documents to check errors and no critical public to detect them.

Einhard's Measured Prose

Einhard writes with a historian's discipline. His sentences are compact and his claims are specific, as when he notes that Charlemagne 'if riches abounded set not his heart upon them.' The narrative moves through events in clear sequence, and the author refrains from moralizing or embellishing. Grant observes that Einhard's life is 'restrained, positive, well-arranged,' a quality that makes it feel closer to modern biography than to the legendary tales that follow. The voice is that of a courtier who knew his subject and aimed to record, not to entertain.

The Monk of St Gall's Anecdotal World

The Monk of St Gall writes in a different key entirely. His stories are full of knavish abbots, cheating brass-founders, and divine punishments delivered by falling beams and bells. In one episode, a dishonest abbot hoards gold and silver, only to be crushed by a beam during a fire; in another, a monk named Tancho tries to trick the emperor with a bell that falls and kills him. The Monk's chronology is 'hopelessly jumbled,' as Grant puts it, and his purpose is not accuracy but moral instruction. The emperor himself appears as a figure of justice, but the details are invented or exaggerated.

Pace and Purpose in Two Biographies

The difference in pace between the two works is striking. Einhard moves steadily through Charlemagne's campaigns and policies, while the Monk leaps from miracle to anecdote with little regard for order. Grant's introduction frames this contrast as a study in the history of truthfulness: the Monk, writing in a cloister with few documents and no critical audience, lets legend take over. Einhard, by contrast, aims for a factual record. Reading them together reveals how quickly historical memory can shift, and how the same emperor could be remembered in two radically different ways within a single lifetime.

Readers approaching these texts should attend to the editorial framing: Grant's introduction is essential for understanding the biases and contexts of each author. The Monk's stories, while entertaining, should not be taken as reliable history; Einhard's account, though more sober, also reflects its own limitations. Comparing the two offers a vivid lesson in how narrative voice and purpose shape the record of the past.

Reading Einhard’s careful facts, I recalled my grandfather’s voice—same spare way with truth. Then the Monk’s tall tales brought back John Jasper: The unmatched Negro philosopher and preacher — Inside the Classic, where sermon heat outruns history’s cold page. Both books taught me that some men are measured not by accuracy, but by how fully they were believed.

Michael Hall
4 weeks ago

Owen Gonzalez
2 weeks ago

5
5 out of 5 (2 User reviews )

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  • ...
    Jennifer Anthony Smith - 1 month ago
    {'review_type': 'negative', 'text': 'While the sources are historically significant, this edition fails to make them accessible to modern readers. The language, even in translation, is stiff, and the extensive footnotes are distracting rather than helpful. Without deeper analysis, this remains a dry scholarly exercise.'}

  • ...
    Sherry Green - 4 weeks ago
    {'review_type': 'positive', 'text': "This translation of Eginhard and the Monk of St. Gall's accounts is invaluable. The editor, A.J. Grant, provides excellent context and annotations that bring these early medieval texts to life. It's an essential read for anyone interested in Charlemagne and Carolingian history, offering two distinct perspectives that enrich our understanding."}

  • ...
    Amy Perkins - 4 weeks ago
    {'review_type': 'neutral', 'text': "A useful translation with helpful notes, but the primary sources are a bit dry and fragmented. The editor's introduction is illuminating, but the texts themselves sometimes lack coherence. Good for academic purposes, though not a casual read."}


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